Saturday, October 27, 2007

NY Times article on anthropogists in the Iraq war

An interesting article for Theory and Culture students:

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/27/opinion/27shweder.html

NY Times
Op-Ed Contributor
Published: October 27, 2007

Chicago

IS the Pentagon truly going to deploy an army of cultural relativists to Muslim nations in an effort to make the world a safer place?

A few weeks ago this newspaper reported on an experimental Pentagon “human terrain” program to embed anthropologists in combat units in Iraq and Afghanistan. It featured two military anthropologists: Tracy (last name withheld), a cultural translator viewed by American paratroopers as “a crucial new weapon” in counterinsurgency; and Montgomery McFate, who has taken her Yale doctorate into active duty in a media blitz to convince skeptical colleagues that the occupying forces should know more about the local cultural scene.

How have members of the anthropological profession reacted to the Pentagon’s new inclusion agenda? A group calling itself the Network of Concerned Anthropologists has called for a boycott and asked faculty members and students around the country to pledge not to contribute to counterinsurgency efforts. Their logic is clear: America is engaged in a brutal war of occupation; if you don’t support the mission then you shouldn’t support the troops. Understandably these concerned scholars don’t want to make it easier for the American military to conquer or pacify people who once trusted anthropologists. Nevertheless, I believe the pledge campaign is a way of shooting oneself in the foot.

Part of my thinking stems from an interview with Ms. McFate on NPR’s “Diane Rehm Show” to which I tried to listen with an open mind. My first reaction was to feel let down. It turns out that the anthropologists are not really doing anthropology at all, but are basically hired as military tour guides to help counterinsurgency forces accomplish various nonlethal missions.

These anthropological “angels on the shoulder,” as Ms. McFate put it, offer global positioning advice as soldiers move through poorly understood human terrain — telling them when not to cross their legs at meetings, how to show respect to leaders, how to arrange a party. They use their degrees in cultural anthropology to play the part of Emily Post.

More worrisome, it was revealed that Tracy, the mystery anthropologist, wears a military uniform and carries a gun during her cultural sensitivity missions. This brought to my increasingly skeptical mind the unfortunate image of an angelic anthropologist perched on the shoulder of a member of an American counterinsurgency unit who is kicking in the door of someone’s home in Iraq, while exclaiming, “Hi, we’re here from the government; we’re here to understand you.”

Nevertheless the military voices on the show had their winning moments, sounding like old-fashioned relativists, whose basic mission in life was to counter ethnocentrism and disarm those possessed by a strident sense of group superiority. Ms. McFate stressed her success at getting American soldiers to stop making moral judgments about a local Afghan cultural practice in which older men go off with younger boys on “love Thursdays” and do some “hanky-panky.” “Stop imposing your values on others,” was the message for the American soldiers. She was way beyond “don’t ask, don’t tell,” and I found it heartwarming.

I began to imagine an occupying army of moral relativists, enforcing the peace by drawing a lesson from the Ottoman Empire. The Ottomans lasted a much longer time than the British Empire in part because they had a brilliant counterinsurgency strategy. They did not try to impose their values on others. Instead, they made room — their famous “millet system” — for cultural pluralism, leaving each ethnic and religious group to control its own territory and at liberty to carry forward its distinctive way of life.

When the American Anthropological Association holds its annual convention in November in Washington, I expect it to become a forum for heated expression of political and moral opposition to the war, to the Bush administration, to capitalism, to neo-colonialism, and to the corrupting influence of the Pentagon and the C.I.A. on professional ethics.

Nevertheless I think it is a mistake to support a profession-wide military boycott or a public counter-counterinsurgency loyalty oath. And I think it would be unwise for the American Anthropological Association to do so at this time.

The real issue for academic anthropologists is not whether the military should know more rather than less about other ways of life — of course it should know more. The real issue is how our profession is going to begin to play a far more significant educational role in the formulation of foreign policy, in the hope that anthropologists won’t have to answer some patriotic call late in a sad day to become an armed angel riding the shoulder of a misguided American warrior.

Richard A. Shweder, an anthropologist and professor of comparative human development at the University of Chicago, is the author of “Thinking Through Cultures.”

Wednesday, October 24, 2007

Sociology of the Arts and Popular Culture, Final Paper Topics

FINAL PAPER TOPICS AND INSTRUCTIONS

Sociology of the Arts and Popular Culture

Prof. Gabe Ignatow

Chilton 397A

Instead of taking the mid-term (25%) and final exam (40% of your grade), you may choose to write two original research papers. The first paper is due in class during the second mid-term exam, and should be 4-5 pages plus references. The final paper can be based on the first paper. Here are the requirements for the final paper:

  1. Due the time and day of the final exam, in the final exam room, or else in my office mailbox on the 3rd floor of Chilton Hall.
  2. Length: 6-7 pages plus 1 or more pages of references
  3. References:
    1. APA or MLA style
    2. Approximately 5 from the course readings, and 5 from other books and articles not read in the course
    3. You should use books or articles, plus not more than one web site
  4. Where to find books and articles on your topic:
    1. Scholar.google.com
    2. http://iii.library.unt.edu/
    3. Sociological Abstracts: UNT Library Home Page à Electronic Resources à Sociological Abstracts
  5. Please discuss the topic with me beforehand, preferably during my office hours.
  6. The paper can be mainly theoretical, or you can discuss a topic of interest to you. You may use a paper from another class as a basis for this paper. However, the paper must be related in some way to some of the theories and authors discussed in class.

Choose-your-own Paper Topic Creator

Analyze the culture of your [fraternity house, religion or religious group, family, high school, home town, club] in terms of the theories of [Horkheimer and Adorno, Marx, Bourdieu, Habermas, cultural anthropologists, etc.].

Analyze the [growth, decline, change] of the popularity of [rap music, country music, opera, mime, modern art, The Simpsons] in terms of [Bourdieu, the production-of-culture perspective, Horkheimer and Adorno…].

Are UNT students snobs, omnivores, or a “passive” audience?

Intro Soc Theory, FINAL PAPER TOPICS AND INSTRUCTIONS

Prof. Gabe Ignatow

Chilton 397A

Instead of taking the final exam (40%) of your grade, you may choose to write an original research paper. Here are the requirements for the paper:

  1. Due the time and day of the final exam, in the final exam room, or else in my office mailbox on the 3rd floor of Chilton Hall.
  2. Length: 6-7 pages plus 1 or more pages of references
  3. References:
    1. APA or MLA style
    2. Approximately 5 from the course readings, and 5 from other books and articles not read in the course
    3. You should use books or articles, plus not more than one web site
  4. Where to find books and articles on your topic:
    1. Scholar.google.com
    2. http://iii.library.unt.edu/
    3. Sociological Abstracts: UNT Library Home Page à Electronic Resources à Sociological Abstracts
  5. Please discuss the topic with me beforehand, preferably during my office hours.
  6. The paper can be mainly theoretical, or you can discuss a topic of interest to you. You may use a paper from another class as a basis for this paper. However, the paper must be related in some way to some of the theories and authors discussed in class.

Examples of Possible Topics

What is the “function” of functionalist theory? Of any theory?

Did Pierre Bourdieu radically break with the Marxist tradition, as he claims?

Does Marx’s “historical materialism” help us to make sense of the world today?

Why was Marx wrong about the inevitability of Communism?

How did classical sociologists understand urbanization? Were they right?

Is there a “leisure class” in America today? Why or why not?

Does Marx’s theory of religion help us to understand religion in Ameica today? Why or why not?

What were W.E.B. DuBois’s major contributions to sociological theory? Is he still relevant?

What are the main differences and similarities between Berger and Luckmann’s “social constructionism” and Marx’s theory of religion?

Is society evolving? How so?

Wednesday, October 17, 2007

Revised Syllabus for Sociology of the Arts and Popular Culture

New Syllabus for Sociology of the Arts and Popular Culture

Week 1, Introduction


William Sewell jr., The Concept(s) of Culture
Philip Smith, Introduction: What is Culture? What is Cultural Theory?
Lynn Spillman, Introduction: Culture and Cultural Sociology (in reader)

Weeks 2-3, Marx on Religion & Critical Theory

Philip Smith, 37-57

Max Horkheimer and Theodore W. Adorno, "Society"

Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception (in reader)

Habermas, Jurgen On Systematically Distorted Communication

1st Mid-term Exam, Wednesday, October 10

Weeks 4-6, Max Weber and Religious Values


Philip Smith, 13-18

Max Weber, The Social Psychology of the World Religions

Max Weber, The Protestant Sects and the Spirit of Capitalism

Weber on Islam and Capitalism

Bryan Turner, Islam, Capitalism and the Weber Theses

Neo-Weberian Sociology

Samuel Huntington, Cultures Count and Lawrence Harrison, Why Culture Matters

Cultural Anthropology

Clifford Geertz, Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture (in reader)

Richard Shweder, Moral Maps, "First World" Conceits, and the New Evangelists

Week 7, Cultural Boundaries and Repertoires


Michele Lamont, Symbolic Boundaries and Status (in reader)

Bethany Bryson, Symbolic Exclusion and Musical Dislikes (in reader)

Weeks 8-10, The Sociology of Culture and Cultural Production


Philip Smith, 167-182

Richard Peterson, Why 1955? Explaining the Advent of Rock Music (in reader)

Paul DiMaggio, Market Structure, the Creative Process, and Popular Culture (in reader)

Wendy Griswold, American Character and the American Novel (in reader)

Pierre Bourdieu, Cultural Power (in reader)

Richard Peterson and Roger Kern, "Changing Highbrow Tastes: From Snob to Omnivore"


2nd Mid-term Exam, Friday November 16

Week 11-12, Durkheim’s “Religious Sociology”

Philip Smith, 9-13, 74-96

Emile Durkheim, from The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life

Lynn Hunt, The Sacred and the French Revolution

Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith, The Discourse of American Civil Society

Jeffrey Alexander, The Sacred and Profane Information Machine

Carlo Tognato, In the Name of Money: Central Banking as a Secular Religion

Week 13, Culture and Cognition

Karen Cerulo, Deciphering Violence (in reader)

Eviatar Zerubavel, The Fine Line (in reader)

Weeks 14-15, Globalization and Postmodernism

John Tomlinson, Globalization and Culture

Philip Smith 214-247

Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism (in reader)

Richard Shweder article (Moral Maps...)

http://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Principles_of_Sociology/
Moral_Maps,_First_World_Conceits,_and_the_New_Evangelists

Monday, October 1, 2007

Lecture Notes for Midterm 1, Intro to Sociological Theory

Lecture Notes



What is theory?

In the world right now there are thousands of students taking classes that are about only theory, smart people are writing books about theory. Some people spend their careers studying only theory.

So we will have to be brief here, because this is an introductory course.

Sociological theory is the ‘queen of sociology,’ as philosophy has been called the queen of the sciences.

Sociological theory involves the analysis, critique, and development of the ways in which we think about and discuss social reality.


The American sociologist C. Wright Mills argued, in “The Sociological Imagination,” that


the facts of contemporary history are also facts about the success and the failure of individual men and women. When a society is industrialized, a peasant becomes a worker; a feudal lord is liquidated or becomes a businessman. When classes rise or fall, a person is employed or unemployed; when the rate of investment goes up or down, a person takes new heart or goes broke. When wars happen, an insurance salesperson becomes a rocket launcher; a store clerk, a radar operator; a wife or husband lives alone; a child grows up without a parent. Neither the life of an individual nor the history of a society can be understood without understanding both.

Yet people do not usually define the troubles they endure in terms of historical change and institutional contradiction. The well-being they enjoy, they do not usually impute to the big ups and downs of the societies in which they live. Seldom aware of the intricate connection between the patterns of their own lives and the course of world history, ordinary people do not usually know what this connection means for the kinds of people they are becoming and for the kinds of history-making in which they might take part. They do not possess the quality of mind essential to grasp the interplay of individuals and society, of biography and history, of self and world. They cannot cope with their personal troubles in such ways as to control the structural transformations that usually lie behind them.



So C. Wright Mills argued that people need, or at least can benefit from, a “sociological imagination,” or a way of thinking about the world in terms of large-scale processes and historical changes.





That is Theory, but what is A Theory, and how do we know one when we see one?

One definition of a theory is: A theory is a statement of how and why specific facts are related (this is on page 22 of the textbook).

Theories are general, not specific like facts.

Theories are important because when we try to explain things, no matter who we are, we use theories, although we don’t always know what theories we are using. We’re usually not reflective about our theories.

Philosophy and theology are, basically, concerned only with theory. Sociologists and theologians ask, what is time, what is reality, what is truth, does God exist, etc, etc.

Theory is important in sociology too, but sociology is different from philosophy and theology because in sociology, theories are about people and societies and culture and history, not truth, time, reality, god, the devil, etc. Sociological theories are about real things that we all experience in our lives, and that we tend to think are important.

Also, sociological theories are about how things are, i.e. how societies actually work, not how society should work. Sociological theories are almost always explanatory, not normative.



e.g. Karl Marx on religion as “false consciousness”

e.g. Emile Durkheim on suicide and social integration




Classical Theoretical Perspectives


The theoretical perspectives we turn to now are a little more general than theories.

These are basic images that guide thinking and research. Here are some of the classical theories. These are considered classical because they are not new, but they are, for the most part, still talked about.

(and keep in mind that some of them might be wrong…they might be bad ideas)



Functionalism


Claude Henri de Saint-Simon… biology, Darwinism, organicism, scientific positivism in 19th-century France  Auguste Comte, considered the founder of sociology

Functionalism is one of the oldest theoretical perspectives in sociology. It began with August Comte, the French thinker who coined the term Sociology.

The basic image here is of society as a system or organism.

e.g. a human body

The imagery comes from biology

Both societies and human bodies have different levels of organization


Whole Body

Organs, e.g. Brain, Heart, Hand

Cells

Molecules

Atoms Nation

Groups, e.g. ethnic groups, professions, organizations


Families

Individuals


The molecules, cells, and organs of the body work together so that the body functions.

We don’t know what our cells and organs are doing, and our cells don’t “know” what the rest of the body is doing (e.g. they don’t know where we are walking, what we want to do today)

But our cells and organs are functional for survival

In the same way that bodies have organs and cells that are needed for the functioning of the whole body, societies have institutions that are functional.

E.g. governments

Laws

The family

Greetings

A division of labor

Professions

Why do we have these things? Because societies need them to function and survive



How does this work?
How does social change happen?


1. August Comte: differentiation, complexification, evolution

3 stages of society
1. theological—militaristic communities led by priests
2. metaphysical—legalistic, ruled by lawyers
3. positivist—scientific, industrial, ruled by sociologists



2. Herbert Spencer (from Darwin): Natural selection

From Charles Darwin, one of the most important scientists in history


In America, the sociologist Herbert Spencer used Darwin’s evolutionary ideas to explain not only how societies worked, but how they should work.

Spencer coined the famous expression “survival of the fittest” (p. 84 of the reader)

Has anyone heard this expression before?

What does it mean?

For Spencer, Darwin’s theory of evolution was perfectly applicable to human societies.

“Natural selection” ensured that the best institutions and people succeeded in societies. This is good for everyone because it is good for the whole society. Processes of natural selection, when left alone, ensured that the best forms of government would survive, the best religion would survives, the best ideas would survive, and the best people would survive and succeed.

For Spencer, and for many other thinkers (mostly in America and England) these processes are natural and inevitable, and when left alone would lead to progress for all of humanity.


Thomas Malthus provided a more pessimistic view of the human consequences of natural selection.

Malthus was a demographer and political economist who argued, from Darwin, that there were ‘Laws of Population Growth’: population increased at a geometric rate, while food increased at an arithmetic rate:

Starvation and conflict over scarce resources were inevitable




How would functionalism explain universities? Why are we here?


This explains, e.g., wealth and poverty. In a free capitalistic society, people who are wealthy become so because they are better than other people at something. And the whole society will improve if these people are allowed to succeed and other people are allowed to fail.

This is sometimes called Social Darwinism

Politically, it is associated with free-market ideologies: weakening central governments and lowering taxes on the wealthy

Why would social Darwinists want to lower taxes on wealthy people?

Why would they want to make governments smaller?


The Davis-Moore thesis

stratification is beneficial, good for society, ‘functional’

society is complex, jobs are complex, and the best people need to be placed in the most complex and important jobs (e.g. president, operator of a nuclear power plant, heart surgeon)

therefore modern societies need to be Meritocracies
The Conflict Perspective

If functionalism were your only sociological theory, it would probably seem pretty good. It was a dominant theory in the 19th century in America and Britain, and it is similar in many ways to neoclassical economics, which is a dominant approach to economics today—again especially in America and Britain.


Functionalism has a lot to recommend it: it provides a coherent set of explanations for societal development, it is ambitious and broad, and it links sociology to other sciences.


Functionalism has been mostly rejected by sociologists because of its innate conservatism, its post hoc style of explanation, and its inability to explain much of social life.











The next perspective, the conflict perspective totally rejects functionalism.

In the conflict perspective, societies aren’t like biological organisms at all.

Instead, societies are arenas of inequality that generate conflict and change

Forms of inequality include:

Class
Race
Ethnicity
Gender
Money
Power
Prestige

The focus here is on social divisions

Privileged groups try to keep their privileges, and pass them on to their children

Non-privileged groups sometimes resist, sometimes do not resist

This perspective is, again, radically different from functionalism


Question: What would each say about university education?


The conflict perspective is associated with two famous German thinkers:

Karl Marx and Max Weber




Cultural Theory

The next classical theoretical perspective is cultural theory, although you should note that the way I’m presenting this is a bit different from what’s in the book.

This is the newest of the classical theoretical perspectives, although in sociology it’s at least a hundred years old.

In this perspective, societies are guided not, or not only, by functions or conflict,
But also by shared values, symbols, ideals, ideas, beliefs, religions, and rituals

Cultural theory is associated with Max Weber and Emile Durkheim, and also with anthropology

In cultural theory, scholars pay a lot of attention to language, symbols like flags and statues and national anthems, rituals like national holidays and religious rituals, and lots of other kinds of symbolic and ritualistic behavior.

They also pay a lot of attention to cultural difference between and within societies. This perspective is very international—probably more international than the functionalist or conflict perspectives.

So if we ask our usual question of why we have universities, cultural theory provides different types of answers. For cultural theory, education is like a religion, and we build universities because we believe in education.

Secular education is part of our value system.

Also, we build universities so that we can socialize children to have the right kinds of beliefs and attitudes.

It’s important for universities to have rituals like graduation ceremonies and symbols like diplomas, in order to make the experience of graduating meaningful to the students and parents.





The Transition to Modenity:
Capitalism and Urbanization




Explaining Industrial (and Postindustrial) Societies

Sociology has always concerned itself with industrial and postindustrial (or modern and postmodern) societies.

Early sociologists (Marx, Weber, Durkheim, and others) were particularly concerned with the transition, that is the change, to industrial society. Why did this happen? How? Is it positive or negative?

These questions are not of only historical interest. Why else would questions about the transition to industrial (and postindustrial) societies be important? (A: some countries have not made the transition)






1. Ferdinand Toennies: Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft social relations (1887)

President of the German Society for Sociology until he was ousted by the Nazis in 1933



Gemeinschaft – tight-knit communities, intimate relations of kinship, friendship, trust, reputation

Often translated as “community”

e.g. rural villages, farming communities

Tonnies argued that Gemeinschaft relations were organic, natural, healthful

Gesellschaft

modern urban relations – impersonal, based on money and prestige, and on rationality, efficiency, and instrumental value

Often translated as “”society”




Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society

(1893, from his doctoral dissertation)

Durkheim was especially interested in morality as a social phenomenon

He wanted to understand how people could remain socially integrated in a modern, capitalistic society

He was not romantic, as were Marx and Toennies

He was not interested in developing a critique of modern society. Rather, France had been humiliated by Germany in the Franco-Prussian war in 1871, and Durkheim and many of his peers wanted to support France and to modernize it.



Mechanical Solidarity, in which everyone knows everyone, and people are tied together through similarity

People work together (e.g. in the fields), and they share culture and “collective consciousness”


Organic Solidarity, here Durkheim reverses Toennies’ use of the term organic. For Durkheim, organic solidarity is like the solidarity of the heart and the liver. They are highly specialized, and work together.

People operate in complex webs of interdependent relations.

People cultivate individual differences for the good of the whole.

People do not necessarily share culture or a “collective conscience” as in mechanical solidarity.

OS arises from the natural development of the division of labor, although this can lead to anomie and over-individualization.


Georg Simmel


Brilliant itinerant German social theorist who wrote on an extraordinary number of topics.

Like Toennies and Durkheim, he argued that there was something fundamental about the transformation from rural life to modern urban life.

He argued that society is an event, it is interaction of individuals in groups

He developed a geometry of social life, an analysis of the “web of associations” that, for Simmel, make up society. Simmel’s ideas have reemerged almost 100 years later in the form of network analysis.

In modern societies, people have larger social, occupational, and associational networks. This leads to individualization, as people are more likely to develop social networks that are unique.

Simmel wrote about many topics: money, fashion, commodity fetishism, alienation—but his writings on the city are among his most influential.











Karl Marx

this is the Marx lecture, so if you don’t know much about Karl Marx, here’s your chance

his most famous books were The Communist Manifesto and Capital


1) theorist of the relationship between capitalism and class conflict; this was his first major concern

2) the second major concern was alienation


lived 1818-1883

Ph.D. in philosophy in Germany

became a newspaper editor and writer

unlike most philosophers at the time, he thought you needed to understand society to understand ideas

unlike most academicians, he wanted to change society, not only to understand it better


1) capitalism and class conflict

Marx wrote his articles and books during a time when the British Empire was at its strongest, when the Industrial Revolution had made Britain, a medium-sized island nation, the wealthiest and most powerful nation in the world.

At the same time, most British citizens were part of the proletariat, the factory workers, who were terribly poor, worked in polluted factories all day (remember there were no weekends), had no homes or lived in slums, and rarely lived past 30.

At the same time, aristocrats, industrialists, and capitalists, who owned the factories, were unimaginably rich.

They lived lives of luxury in mansions with hundreds of servants.

Marx saw society, not only British society but all societies, as based on conflict between social classes.

He saw societies as made up of a base and a superstructure.

The base is economic; it is the mode of production of goods and services.

The superstructure is nearly everything else: the government, religion, culture, the family, and ideas

Social change occurs from the base, from the mode of production of goods and services. Whoever controls the mode of production controls the society, including the government, religion, culture, the family, etc.

So for example, British capitalists were able to control virtually all of British society because they were able to control Britain’s economic base. If they did not like a person or an idea, they could buy that person, or have that person put in jail or eliminated, because they were in control of the government. They could buy politicians…They could pretty much buy or control whatever they wanted.

Marx thought that this was true of horticultural and pastoral societies, agricultural societies (e.g. slavery in ancient Egypt; the European feudal system), and now of industrial societies. He thought this was true of every form of society that came after hunter and gatherer societies. Hunter and gatherer societies were communist because they shared their wealth and did not have social classes or class conflict.


So economic classes struggle over control of the means of production. But in industrial societies, the proletariat is much, much larger than the capitalist class. And they are terribly poor, and they generally know that the capitalists are amazingly rich.

If the workers got together and attacked the capitalists and took control over their factories, they could gain control over society.

So why don’t they revolt?

Marx had trouble with this question, and his answer was what he called false consciousness.

False consciousness is a kind of confusion about how society works. For example, poor workers blamed themselves for their poverty, when they should blame the rich capitalists. Because there’s really very little
they can do to improve their lives.

Capitalists create false consciousness in the proletariat because they control the schools, the church, the press, and the whole “superstructure” of society. They control these things because they control the means of production. They control pretty much everything.

For the proletariat to revolt, false consciousness would have to be transformed into class consciousness. Workers would become aware that they were in the same economic class, and would organize themselves to challenge the capitalists.

How would the proletariat switch over from false consciousness to class consciousness? A revolutionary elite group of intellectuals would help them.

Also, capitalism would collapse due to its internal contradictions. Capitalists do everything possible (like what??) to increase profits, and would be driven to reduce wages so much, to pay workers so little, that the workers would be forced to start a revolution.

2) Alienation

This is an important idea for Marx. It comes from some of his earliest writings, which were much more psychological than his later writings.

He was concerned, as many people were, with the change from farming and craftwork to factory work

ciftcilik, zanaat  industrial work, factory work

Consequences of factory work

de-skilling of work

routinization

boredom

workers see themselves as a commodity, as something capitalists can buy and sell

workers see themselves as machines, not as full human beings

Alienation (separation, or distancing) from the products of work

factory workers do not see the products of their work. they get no satisfaction from their efforts

Alienation from their friends and families

workers are not allowed to socialize with friends
they work so long that they have little time left for their families

Workers cannot grow or evolve as human beings. Work should allow people to evolve and improve themselves. Instead, workers can only learn and grow as human beings during their leisure time.

This can only get worse, as capitalists try to make bigger profits.

Revolution

The only way for workers to escape from alienation is to revolt, to start a revolution against capitalism.

Workers would take over the factories from the capitalists, and would replace capitalism with socialism

Socialism would be a humane, equal economic system that preserves social ties. Workers would take care of each other, and everyone would work for the good of the society.

Marx thought this revolution would occur in England first, because England was the most advanced industrial country.

Eventually it would happen everywhere else. For Marx, it was inevitable.

Was he right?
Did socialist revolutions occur?
Where?
What happened in England?






Thorstein Veblen on the leisure class (p. 25)

Son of Norwegian immigrants to the U.S.



Contributes to the development of “institutional economics,” a less individualistic, rationalistic approach to the economy

Influenced by Functionalism, Social Darwinism and evolutionary thought generally

Emphasizes instincts for emulation, predation, curiosity, parental behavior


Most famous for ideas of “conspicuous consumption”

“conspicuous leisure”

“conspicuous waste”








Conflict theory of religion: Marx

religion serves ruling elites

religion legitimizes the status quo

religion reinforces social stratification

most religion is other-worldy, and it encourages people not to think about their problems here and now


one of Marx’s most famous lines: religion is “the sigh of the oppressed creature, the sentiment of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people”


e.g. Hinduism supports the caste system in India

in the Middle Ages in England, the Church of England crowned the King or Queen

more recently, Saddam Hussein turned to Islam during his last years in power




Max Weber





Much influenced by Wilhelm Dilthey—argued (against Marx and others) that human history is fundamentally different from the material world—the subject of the natural sciences

Human history is shaped by contingency, spirit, consciousness, culture

Sociologists should try to interpret history to capture the way it is experienced subjectively by other people in other times and societies

Strict causal arguments are not appropriate for the study of human history, culture, society




What Weber thought about Marx:

capitalists versus proletariat idea was too simple

really three dimensions of inequality

Class -- $

Status – social prestige, social honor expressed through “styles of life” (stande)

Power – ability to make people do things despite resistance


The rationalization of society

What does rationalization mean? Life becomes more rational, subject to means-ends reasoning.

Weber lived in the 19th and early 20th century, mostly in Germany, but he took a long trip to America too.

He knew almost everything you could know about history, but in both countries, he felt strongly that a great shift was taking place in society.

This was not just a change in technology, not only industrialization.

The shift was from tradition to rationality.

What does this mean? Are people who follow traditional ways of life irrational?

Tradition: sentiments and beliefs passed from generation to generation

Rationality: Disciplined calculation of the best means to accomplish specific ends

So these are different ways of thinking and living.

The rationalization of society affects more than just technology or industry. It changes the whole way people think, what they believe, and the ways they live their lives.

Rationalization does not happen to individuals one at a time, so much as it happens to whole societies, or whole segments of societies, at a time.

It happens in Northern and Western Europe and North America first.
e.g. England, Holland, Germany, America

Why did these societies become more rationalized than others? Why did they develop industry, capitalism, democratic governments, corporations, factories, and high technology earlier than the rest of the world?

Why not the Ottoman Empire? Why not Catholic Europe? Or China or Japan?

These were all massive, powerful empires. Before the early 19th century, these areas were much more powerful than Northern Europe.

Marx does not have a strong answer to this question, but Weber does.

Weber argues that rationalization is associated with capitalism. It is important to keep in mind that capitalism is different from buying and selling things to make a profit. How is it different?

It is different because in capitalism, the money you make is saved up and then invested in new business ventures. This money that is saved and invested is called capital. Since money was invented in Mesopotamia and Egypt, individuals who made money would spend it on themselves and their family, or they would give it to the church.

Weber’s answer lies in Protestant Christianity, specifically Calvinism, a sect of Protestantism. Weber’s mother was a devout Calvinist, so naturally he knew a lot about this religion.

Most religions in the world at this time were other-worldly

Good moral behavior in this world is rewarded by going to heaven when you die.
For example, in Catholicism, if you paid enough money to the Church, you would be allowed to go to heaven.
Or if you gave money to poor people, you would make God happy.
Or in Hinduism, by having a good reincarnation.

Calvinism was founded by the 16th-century writer and preacher John Calvin. It is different from most religions because in Calvinism, God is all-powerful. Humans cannot change their fate by changing their behavior or paying money to the Church. God decides what will happen to you. You cannot change your fate.

This idea is called predestination. Your destiny is preordained. This is a bit tough on people, because they have no way of knowing whether they will go to heaven or hell. And even if they knew, there would be nothing they could do about it.

So people wanted to know whether they would go to heaven or hell. And they came to believe that an individual’s material success in this world was a sign from God. God must have made some people rich because those people were chosen to go to heaven. So making money became a sign of being chosen by God.

What about poor people?

They are poor because God has not chosen them.

So rich Calvinists did not give their money to the poor. It’s not because they were mean or greedy. They thought God would not want them to give money to people he had chosen to go to hell. It would be a sin to give money to the poor.

It would also be a sin to be self-indulgent, to live a life of luxury. One’s life should be devoted to God, not to oneself.

1) So early Calvinists became very good at making money, because they saw it as a sign of being chosen by God.

2) They did not share their money with the church or with poor people.

3) They did not spend their money on luxuries.

4) They accumulated money and reinvested it in their businesses. And they kept careful accounts of their money, because they believed that making money was a holy endeavour. They made money the way an Imam reads the Koran or a Jewish Rabbi reads the Torah. With total religious intensity.

5) Later generations of Calvinists lost the old religion as they encountered science and modern thought (Newton, Darwin, Einstein, Freud, sociology, psychology, etc.) and as they became wealthy and urbanized and cosmopolitan.

They lost their Protestant Ethic, but kept a strong work ethic.

So capitalists were really good at making money, saving money, and doing accounting.

This led to a general rationalization of society in Protestant countries. After all, Calvinists were so good at making money that they ended up owning lots of factories and businesses. And they became powerful in politics. They were in charge.

They owned factories and integrated them, creating large-scale organizations that were independent of the Catholic Church. In Europe before Calvinism, the Catholic Church was nearly all-powerful. Only the King could compete with the Church for power. Now capitalists could compete too.

Calvinists encourage personal discipline among all workers. Individuals should be disciplined internally, not by force.

Calvinists encourage precise time scheduling.

They encourage technical competence.

They encourage impersonality in business. Social connections are less important than individual discipline and technical competence.

Keep in mind how different this argument is from Marx’s understanding of society, where religion is an effect of economic processes, not a cause of economic processes.

But Weber is similar to Marx, because Weber is also concerned with the social and psychological alienation that is associated with capitalism and industry.

In a famous line, Weber likens modern organizations to an “iron cage” tightening around individuals. People are left with little freedom to be creative or unique or to enjoy life or be social.
What is an organization?

social group
specific goals
division of labor
formalization

Modern organizations, from the government to Microsoft or MacDonalds or IBM, are supposed to be the ultimate examples of rationalization, of means-ends reasoning.

So many people think these organizations are good and rational. They make people work hard. Even Marx thought that capitalist organizations uproot people from the “idiocy of village life”

For Weber, capitalist organizations have “purely technical superiority” over all other organizations because of their

“precision, speed, unambiguity, continuity, discretion, unity, reduction of costs…”





Max Weber on Modern Organizations


Weber was concerned that Germany was lagging behind Britain—a question of comparative development—and wanted to understand why, and then to improve Germany’s position

3 Types of Legitimate Authority
(these are “ideal types”)
(and these are true for all time)
(authority is the ability to make people do things despite resistance)

1. Charismatic Authority
authority from personality, charisma: e.g. religious leaders, popular politicians, kings

any problems with this kind of authority?
succession, irrationality, incompetence

2. Traditional authority
authority from sacred traditions and leaders
e.g. a man is elected president because his father was president
e.g. a man is anointed king because his father was king

any problems with this?
lack of charisma, irrationality, incompetence

3. Rational-Legal authority
Authority based on specialized learning
rule by experts
technical ability
exams
career ladders
meritocracy

any problems with this?
lack of charisma, rigid hierarchy and inequality


For Weber, modern organizations, and especially capitalist organizations (corporations), must move from charismatic and traditional forms of authority to rational-legal authority. Rational-legal authority is more efficient, faster, better; and in capitalism, the older forms cannot compete.














Pierre Bourdieu on forms of capital

Maitre penseur, recently died

Ideas of “Social space” and “power field”



Economic capital

Social capital

Cultural Capital


Transformation (conversion) of these


Pierre Bourdieu, Snobs, and Omnivores

Distinction (excerpt)

Pierre Bourdieu is perhaps the most influential sociologist alive today. Like Foucault before him, in France he is widely regarded as a “master thinker,” although he is unlike Foucault in that he is a tried-and-true sociologist, who uses numerical data and advanced statistics in his research.

For the purposes of this course, we’ll cover some of his work on Structure, Habitus, and Social Space, and then we’ll move on to Michele Lamont’s revision and extension of his ideas.

Social Space and Social Classes.

Bourdieu's Opponents:
(1) A break with Marxists: (I.e. 'objective' reality). Bourdieu is interested in RELATIONSHIPS, on more levels than just the economic, and argues that how people
interpret and make sense of their relations matters (this is the subjective element).
(2) A break with "intellectualism": The theoretical class (i.e. the one we as scientists define) is not necessarily the class that exists in-the-world.
(3) A break with Economics: There are more dimensions to the social world that just economics.
(4) A break with “Objectivism” in favor of a symbolic understanding of social structure.

He also has s definite focus on POWER STRUGGLES.

Social Space: A geographic/mathematical metaphor for how people are arranged in society. Bourdieu defines social space as:

"a (multi-dimensional) space constructed on the basis of principles of differentiation or distribution constituted by the set of properties active in the social
universe under consideration, that is, able to confer force or power on their possessor in that universe." (p.229).

The points to keep in mind with this def:
(1) Social space has multiple dimensions (ex economic, educational, cultural, etc.: n dimensions) These dimensions can usually be categorized as a form of
Capital.

(2) "...constructed on the basis of principles of differentiation or distribution..." This mean that how
much and what kind of the particular capital one has is the basis for sorting along the dimensions.

(3) "...by the set of properties active in the social universe under consideration, that is, able to confer
force or power on their possessor in that universe." The quantity or quality (i.e. point 2) of a given good only matters to the extent that the good in question
is 'active' in the social world of interest. This part of the definition implies an element of contextual specificity. Two groups' relative position depend on the
particular 'field' that is active. If we're dealing in the economic field, then the relative position of $$ matters, if we're dealing with the educational, then
that's what matters. [note, that this discussion is about one dimension at a time, Bourdieu does not think that way - this is for illustration only, the point is that in
some struggles, the relative value of a given dimension will change.].

Power follows from the ability to mobilize capital.

The social space is a field of forces -- the system of relations, alliances, and power struggles. His vision of social space is NOT one that is (necessarily)
static, but instead constantly infused with power struggles. Thus we see the world as a system of 'objective power relations.'

Is this paranoid? Overdramatic??

This allows us to see the social world in two ways, as the positions themselves thusly: (take culture and econ as examples)

Hi Culture

A


Poor ---------------------------- Rich

B
c

Low Culture

In this picture, the three groups are arrayed on these two dimensions (thus C is poor and holds mainly 'low culture' values, A is rich with 'high culture' , etc).

Because these positions are at the same time relations, because domination follows from the ability to utilize this capital, we could instead view this picture
as:


A -> B-----> C
\ _____/

Where A dominates (a little) B, and both B and A dominate C. What Bourdieu wants to claim is that these systems of relations are in constant contest -- not ONLY
in who gets to be WHERE, but what having a certain quantity/distribution of a good GIVES you, ie what it MEANS.

The dimensions are the elements that give power (education, money, social contacts, etc) in general, these elements form types of CAPITAL. The four
general types of capital for Bourdieu are:


1.Economic Capital: How much money one has.
2.Cultural Capital: The systems of value and meaning a person can draw on, what counts as 'good' for a group. (the main distinction is between
high and low culture for Bourdieu, thus the difference between a person who listens to Garth brooks and goes to the bowling alley every weekend versus a
person who reads Shakespeare, drinks fine wine, and goes to the museum all the time).
3.Social Capital: The set of relations one can draw on: who you know that MATTERS.
4.Symbolic Capital. : the extent to which one has the power to institute, to NAME, to define who is who. Symbolic power rests on RECOGNITION, i.e., give or take, legitimacy (Weber).

Bourdieu argues that each of these types of capital is transformable (to some extent), i.e. able to be converted and reconverted, one to the other. Thus if you have enough money you might get to know a new
set of important people, etc.

The two dimensions along which each type of capital are arrayed is Volume and composition. Thus the AMOUNT of money one has, and the TYPE of
money matter (i.e. cash vs stocks vs gold vs land).

Classes on Paper:
On the basis of the distribution of the various forms of capital, we can find groups of people who have 'similar' distributions. These are 'classes' in the
logical sense -- people who occupy the same cell in a cross-tabulation. BUT, we can't necessarily assume that these classes are self-recognized. This is the
long standing differentiation between classes in-themselves vs. classes for themselves.

What exists is a space of relations, out of which may or may not emerge a class per se.

We can compare this to Marx’s theories of class, in which he assumes that groups form from similarity, but it does not explain how the groups form. Instead, through a theoretical ‘slight of hand’, the
essential questions are spirited away:

We don’t ask about the political work needed to organize and created a self-recognized, mobilized class
Don’t explain how the formal ‘classes’ of social scientists are related to the actual, living classes in society.

Classes and class fragments develop “habituses”—roughly but not quite subcultures

The Perception of the social world and political struggle.
One must account for how actors see the world to make sense of how they act. That is, we ned to look to the social construction of identity.

One's perspective in the world is due to two things:
1) 'Objective': People see the world differently because they occupy a different space in the world.
2) 'subjective': The tools brought to bear, the language used, are all the products of previous struggles, and influence the meaning of the very dimensions
that people array themselves along.
Thus, not only are people seeing the world from different spaces, but the very view of that space, the relevant value of any given quantity/quality
distribution is different depending on a group's past history of struggle.

While Bourdieu argues that people TEND to accept the position they find themselves in, there is social change, and it comes from struggles for power related
to (1) and (2).

in an earlier essay, Bourdieu writes
“Knowledge of the social world and, more precisely, the categories which make it possible, are the stake par excellence of the political struggle, a struggle
which is inseparably theoretical and practical, over the power of preserving or transforming the social world by preserving or transforming the categories of
perception of that world.”

These are social categories: racial, social class, economic categories, that change over time

So being able to define the dimensions of status, to identify the subject of political debate and shape the way issues are seen to be related are all symbolic actions,
and they are the means through which politics are carried out. Thus, being able to control these means gives one control of political outcomes. The power of
naming is crucial.
Examples:
? Political rhetoric about abortion: proponents use ‘right-to-choose’ language, opponents use ‘rights-to-life’ language.
? Use of the word ‘Liberal’ in presidential campaigns

Symbolic Capital: Any capital when it is perceived by an agent as self-recognized power to name, to make distinctions.

It follows that objective power relations reproduce themselves in symbolic power.

The power to create titles
Citizenship is bestowed by the government,
The definition of ‘adult’ or ‘graduate’

“It is the most visible agents, from the point of view of the prevailing categories of perception, who are the best placed to change the vision by changing the
categories of perceptions. But they are also, with a few exceptions, the least inclined to do so.”

Why? Because they benefit from the current arrangement. That those in power control the means to power creates a cycle, whereby they reenforce the power
that they have. Bourdieu refers to this as the “circle of symbolic reproduction”.

Symbolic power rests on legitimate recognition your brother-in-law can’t declare you a graduate of the university. The title ‘graduate’ can only be made by
those with legitimate control of symbolic power.

Symbolic order and the power of naming.

Symbolic power can be arrayed along a dimension of intensity/legitimacy:

Insult Official Naming
I-----------------------------------------------I
Low power High Power

We can think about the proliferation of titles in current work and occupations. This rise (sanitary engineer, executive assistant, vice president, e.g.) follows FROM the
desire of groups to NAME THEMSELVES, and thus make their own distinction. The move in contemporary society to provide all with a new name, is a struggle for legitimate power. Racial epithets are the imposition of place by a ruling class on a
ruled class, and when the POWER associated with those epithets can be reversed, then the group has gained the symbolic upper hand.

e.g. minority groups referring to themselves in terms of racial “slurs”—not just the N word—Chinese, Jews, immigrants in America (greenhorns, FOBs)

Bourdieu points out that rewards separate a title from a task. Thus, a part-time person doing the same work as a full time person will likely be paid less (even by the
hour) than the person who officially occupies the position. Or, for example, a nurse and a doctor often do exactly the same things, but the doctor will make
more.

Because symbolic power is a useful power, something that can be used to gain resources in multiple dimensions, it is clearly the subject of controversy.
Groups fight over the right to control the naming process.
“Every field is the site of a more or less openly declared struggle for the definition of the legitimate principles of division of the field.” (p.242)

Alliances in the Political Field
Those who occupy similar, but distinct social spaces (or who are in similar, but distinct patterns of social relations) tend to form alliances (though, again,
not necessarily).

How do people at the bottom of a symbolic power system gain capital to change the present point of view?

Bourdieu says it happens through alliances with those who have the ability to control symbols. For example, the intellectuals will ‘embezzle’ symbolic power for
the workers. These alliances occur where there is a similarity in their position in the structure, across dimensions of the structure. Thus, workers are the
dominated group in the production/economic realm, while intellectuals are the dominated group in the cultural realm. The one helps the other because of the
similarity of their situation. For Bourdieu, this was Marx’s error: to look only within the economic realm for the emergence of classes.




Critiques of Bourdieu (general)

too agonistic, too focused on struggle and competition

isn’t Bourdieu himself an example of why he is wrong?

too Parisian, too French, and perhaps too old

Lecture Notes for Midterm 1, Sociology of the Arts and Popular Culture

Introduction

The “cultural turn” in the social sciences and humanities
Immediately after WWII, the human sciences took the natural sciences as their model—especially in America.
Search was for “laws” of human society
e.g. classical economics, Marxism
Newtonian paradigm: search for cause-and-effect relationships
Positivism hypothesis testing, independent and dependent variables, statistical tests
This model is now mostly, but not entirely, out of fashion
Generally, this search has not yielded the kinds of results once hoped for
also, Marxism fails in practice
civil rights, women’s rights, antiwar movements in the 60s and 70s couldn’t be understood or predicted in terms of scientific laws. More a matter of history and agency.
modernization projects are seen to disappoint

The contemporaneous “linguistic turn” (initiated by Noam Chomsky’s critique of B.F. Skinner)
The linguistic turn in philosophy: Wittgenstein, Heidegger, Searle, Putnam, Rorty

The “cognitive revolution” in the human sciences, in which researchers found ways to study thought and meaning. Previously, the human mind had been treated as a kind of “black box” into which no one could see
The cognitive revolution motivates the growth of cognitive psychology, cognitive science, cognitive linguistics, cognitive anthropology, and even cognitive sociology (so far very small, as we will see later in the course)
This course is, broadly, in line with the cultural turn in the human sciences

economic and technological changes:
global media, cable and satellite television, internet  media studies

Locating this course more specifically: cultural studies in sociology
Sociology of culture
The study of sociological processes at work in the creation and reception of cultural materials
This includes, primarily, art, music, theater, literature, museums, and so on

Cultural studies/media studies
The study of the role of mass media in modern societies, how the media creates and promotes particular views, tastes, and attitudes
How the media and the advertising industry responds to and shapes patterns of consumption
The role of media and entertainment in shaping people’s identities and worldviews
Globalization and Westernization

Cultural sociology
The study of symbols, language, rituals, and meaning in all of social life
i.e. in all areas of social life: work, leisure, politics, religion, technology, organizations…
Studying cultural patterns as collective representations or constructions
Studying the role of ideas in social life

Philip Smith, What is Culture? What is Cultural Theory?

Culture is “one of the two or three most complicated words in the English language”

Its early meanings referred to cult-ivation of land and crops, then to religious cults

1500s-1800s: “cultivation” of the individual’s mind
we still say some people are “cultured” while others are “uncultured”

we still sometimes talk about societies, communities, nations and other groups in terms of their level of culture, their civilization

during the industrial revolution, people began to discuss folk culture, as in folk culture and national culture vs. industry and capitalism; this was tied to romanticism in art and literature

In sociology and social theory today, culture usually refers to

not material, technological, social structural processes

realm of the ideal, spiritual, non-material, beliefs, values, symbols, signs, discourses

culture is everywhere in social life

scholars should try to be value-neutral when studying culture (ie. not think in terms of better and worse, higher and lower)


William H. Sewell, jr. The Concepts(s) of Culture
and
Lynn Spillman, Culture and Cultural Sociology


Sewell is a sociologist at the University of Wisconsin, Lynn Spillman teaches at Notre Dame University. Their two chapters provide good overviews of cultural theory and cultural sociology.

Please don’t worry if you don’t know some of the names they mention.

Let’s start with Sewell’s chapter.

In order to present the various conceptions of culture that have cropped up over the years, Sewell does a lot of splitting and categorizing of ideas. The first split is a major one, and it’s between 2 understandings of culture:
1. Culture as the symbolic and expressive side of social life. Here culture is set apart from others facets of social life, such as biology (e.g. nature vs. nurture), politics, and economics. Durkheim’s Elementary Forms fits in here.
A. Culture as all learned behavior, that which makes us human
B. Culture as learned behavior concerned with meaning
C. Culture as an institutional sphere devoted to the making of meaning
i.e. art, music, theater, fashion, literature, religion, the media, education
Research in this area is usually considered sociology of culture, or cultural studies, and is focused on the production and reception of cultural products. In the sociology of the occupations, and in class theories, people working in these areas are considered “cultural specialists,” by the way, and contrasted to, basically, business people.
D. Culture as creativity or agency. We’ll spend some time on agency later in the course, but this basically refers to research on how political groups create and manipulate ideological material.
E. Culture as a system of symbols and meanings. This is the late-Durkheimian tradition, basically, and this is what we’ll spend most of the course on.
F. Culture as practice. This is a lot like culture as creativity or agency. The emphasis here is on the ways in which culture is not collective, but fragmented and open to individual interpretation and reinterpretation.

2. Culture as a life-system, a “concrete and bounded body of beliefs and practices.” E.g. American culture, Middle-class culture, American middle-class culture, Samoan culture. This is culture as everything, more or less: a whole way of life encompassing beliefs, practices, ideas, ideals, values, tastes, and styles characteristic of some specific group. Next week’s readings look at culture in this way, as does quite a lot of anthropological and sociological research. This is also, by the way, an older concept of culture, and one that is not too fashionable anymore. Which is not to say that it’s all bad.

From page 46 on, Sewell elaborates his understanding of culture. It’s one which I happen to like a lot, but it’s less important for our puposes than his presentation of the different concepts of culture. The basic division is between culture as facet of social life, and culture as system. The next few readings look at culture as a system, while the bulk of the course treats it as an aspect of life that is always present.

Lynn Spillman

Argues that culture usually refers to

1. intellectual, spiritual, aesthetic development of an individual, group, or society

2. intellectual and artistic activities

3. way of life of a community or society

Culture is about meaning, while much of sociology, and the social sciences generally, ignores meaning






Marx on Religion  Critical Theory

Marx on Religion

religion serves ruling elites

religion legitimizes the status quo

religion reinforces social stratification

most religion is other-worldy, and it encourages people not to think about their problems here and now


one of Marx’s most famous lines: religion is “the sigh of the oppressed creature, the sentiment of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people”


e.g. Hinduism supports the caste system in India

in the Middle Ages in England, the Church of England crowned the King or Queen

more recently, Saddam Hussein turned to Islam during his last years in power


Culture and 20th-century Marxist Thought

We’re finished now with Weber and recent Weberian scholarship, and Durkheim and recent Durkheimian scholarship. The last line of thought from classical sociology to contemporary cultural studies is the Marx line.

Even more than Weber and Durkheim, Marxist thought dominated much of sociology and the social sciences in the 20th century, especially in Europe. i.e. Marx’s influence was and is far weaker in America, which never experienced feudalism and never came close to Communism.


If we recall that Marx was the quintessential materialist social thinker, who saw culture, along with government, the family, and education, as part of a societal “superstructure” ultimately controlled by whomever controlled society’s material “base,” i.e. the “means of production,” the factories and farms.

Marx’s vision wouldn’t seem to leave much room for culture. In fact it doesn’t, and this has put Marx at odds with at least 30 years of increasing cultural explanation in the social sciences.


Philip Smith gives us a good overview of the interplay of Marxist thought and ideas about culture in his chapter. He makes three main points


1. “There has been an attempt to assimilate cultural explanation within a Marxian framework.” Culture is given more autonomy, although its role is generally to regulate social life to maintain the capitalist economic order.

2. Culture, especially ideology, is used to explain the non-arrival of the revolution that Marx predicted was inevitable. Why so little working-class radicalism?

3. Movement toward humanism and away from the “science” of historical materialism, the search for laws of human history and development (we talked about this general trend at the start of the course)


I should note that in many courses, the Marxian tradition would receive much more attention than it does in this one. This week will just give an overview of some main thinkers and ideas, and we will focus on a few.


Also, one question we might ask of this intellectual tradition is how much Marx is left over once we’ve made these moves?



George Lukacs

advocates a more humanistic, more cultural Marxism

like Weber, Marx, and Durkheim, he saw history unfolding unilinearly, with motivation from several fundamental processes; a specific capitalist logic was driving history

Commodification – capitalism “colonizes” more and more dimensions of private life: our bodies, love, beauty

Reification – assumption that they way things are is how they must be

Commodity fetishism – mania for consumer products, which are imbued with almost magical qualities

Class consciousness – people’s identification in terms of their socioeconomic class, Lukacs thought it was necessary for a modern society but required reflective thinking and self-awareness about the ideological effects of capitalism

Antonio Gramsci


Marxistische Bibliothek
Startseite Autoren Verweise Impressum Kontakt





Prison Notebooks written while in jail in Italy

wants to explain why a communist revolution had not occurred in Italy, despite economic crises and a large proletariat

focuses on the interrelations of the state, intellectuals, and ideas

the state is not simply a rationalizing instrument, a rational, efficient bureaucracy, but is rather a tool for class domination

the state represents the interests of dominant economic actors, i.e. capitalists and the bourgeoisie

the state acts not only through violence, because violence, while useful, is costly

the state controls society through hegemony, through the propagation of hegemonic beliefs
e.g. common sense, nationalism

hegemonic beliefs are spread by organic intellectuals who, like priests, translate complex ideas into simple language so as to be easily understood


for cultural theory, Gramsci pointed out connections between ideas and concrete social and economic arrangements

he influenced the British Cultural Studies school, and has had an impact in many disciplines

he was especially popular in the 1960s and 1970s, but began to lose steam in the 90s



The Frankfurt School

a group of intellectuals who were associated with a research institute in Frankfurt in the 1920s, but were dispersed with the rise of Nazi Germany



I will focus on Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno




They were members of the German cultural elite, and Adorno moved to Los Angeles in the 1940s

saw Nazi populist propaganda, then in America television commercials, popular newspapers and films


A and H, in The Dialectic of Enlightenment, argued that the project of the European Enlightenment had reached an end, and had led to a world of narrow pragmatic rationality and a mass society of passive, uniform consumers

Popular media produced by the culture industry appeals to the lowest common denominator, simple likes and dislikes, in the interest of maximum profits

“No independent thinking must be expected from the audience”

Audiences are zombie-like and amused, but unthinking and gullible

Classical and avante-garde art, however, is much better



Jurgen Habermas



A generation younger than other members of the Frankfurt School, Habermas is alive today and is generally considered the thinker of postwar Germany

His popularity increased after the democratic revolutions in Eastern Europe

He is deeply concerned with democracy and especially with free, democratic civil life, and with rationality

His one main idea, perhaps, is the public sphere, an open space where ordinary people can meet to discuss fundamental questions of social life, where they can exchange ideas freely and rationally

these public conversations are understood, or hoped, to be empowering and rational

they are rational because they are built on communicative reason, undistorted, clear mutual understanding that can be achieved through language

they are part of the lifeworld, independent of the system world of capitalism, bureaucracy, and the state

in the lifeworld, solidarity and face-to-face contact, family relations, and communities create value commitments that are the basis of rational collective action

the lifeworld is increasingly colonized or invaded by modernity

Habermas argued that the public sphere was vibrant in 18th century Europe, but has since been transformed and even destroyed, first by bourgeois society, then by industrialization, division of labor and mass media, who talk to people rather than with them

His writings have been criticized for idealizing the public sphere of 18th century Europe, ignoring who was excluded from it (women, minorities, uneducated people)


Habermas argued for rationality and enlightenment, and for democracy, which for Habermas are harmonious in the absence of invasions by modern economic and political institutions

Max Weber and Religious Values


Max Weber, the early German social thinker, studied everything
Part of his work was his religious sociology, his studies of Calvinism, Islam, ancient Judaism etc.

His aim was Verstehen, sympathetic understanding

Two important ideas of his, for our purposes:

Wertrational – value-rationality

Zweckrational – purposive rationality

Salvation – being saved, living the right kind of life
every religion, and every culture, provides ideas about salvation, about how to live

Theodicy – the question of God’s role in a world of evil, suffering, and injustice
in every religion, intellectuals obsess over the problem of theodicy
different religions solve this tension differently



Culture and Capitalism

The most influential and historically significant book on the interrelations of culture, religion, and capitalism is Max Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.


Weber’s essay is often seen as a response to the growing influence of historical materialism or Marxism in the Germany of his day, with the growth of a large Social Democratic Party.

Historical materialism … Base/Superstructure

persists in varying forms: e.g. environmental or natural resource determinism


The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism was published as a two-part study in 1904-5. It not only pointed the way to Weber’s future work but also became the center of a long-running controversy. Distinguished by passionate writing and bold theorization, the argument has attracted attention far outside the boundaries of sociology. Those who invoke the notion of a ‘Protestant work ethic’ may not have read Weber but they are not wrong to echo his belief that the ‘rationalization of labor’ was a decisive feature of modernity.

Weber’s work was prompted by his concern that the German Empire was still socially backward compared with the United States and Britain, and had failed to develop a sufficiently assertive and public spirited bourgeoisie and middle class during the long rule of Bismarck during the 19th century. He believed that the Anglo-Saxon commitment to economic and social freedom was a source of strength and that it was rooted in secularised impulses stemming from the sectarian versions of Protestantism which had been so influential in their history since the seventeenth century.


Weber stressed that contrary to the materialist reductionism of some Marxists, ideas, beliefs, and psychological states could have a large influence on the course of history. Specifically he argued that sectarian Protestantism promoted a ‘worldly asceticism’ and notion of a ‘calling’ or secular vocation which was conducive to the rationalization of labor.
If early twentieth century Germans recognized this they could improve and strengthen the institutions of the German Empire.

While Weber had different political objectives from Marxists, his understanding of the material practices of capitalism owed a lot to Marx. Like Marx he writes of a distinctive ‘rational capitalist organization of (formally) free labor’; the capitalist enterprise calculates wages and prices in order to make a surplus and is defined by this not the simple lust for profit.
Furthermore the opening pages of the Protestant Ethic spell out a whole sequence of material practices seen as crucial to capitalist development in early modern Europe. These include:

1) the rise of autonomous towns
2)the separation of enterprise and
household
3) double entry book-keeping

But Weber does insist that there must have been social-psychological presuppositions for the emergence of capitalist institutions and that in the European case a rationalizing approach to labor had been the unintended consequence of the Reformation

The core of Weber’s argument is that with Luther’s notion of the ‘calling’ the monk’s ideal of an ascetic life became incumbent on all believers. It was taken out of the monasteries and required all to single-mindedly and methodically dedicate themselves to their work, to shun idleness and luxury regardless of their station in life. Protestant teaching, especially that of Calvin, imbued the individual with a sense of original sin; a sober and industrious life would be the sign or proof of salvation.

Theodicy: Calvinism removes God from reality entirely, and “inhuman” idea

In the ‘Protestant Ethic’ Weber argues that the Calvinist belief in predestination furnished a constant inner guarantee of consistent conduct; in a later text on the Protestant sects he urges that each believer takes care to pursue a restrained, godly life because of concern for the opinion of fellow-believers.

There has been much debate over Weber’s specific interpretation of Protestant theology. There is evidence that Calvinism was sometimes associated with collectivism and restraints on merchants, e.g. in New England. But the core of Weber’s argument is that some strands in Protestantism help to give rise to collective psychological conditions that underpinned early capitalist rationalization and accumulation. Weber himself illustrates his case by quotes from Benjamin Franklin, who was a man of affairs rather than a theologian. Weber does not insist that Protestantism is the only route to preparing mentalities that will help to sustain and reproduce capitalist social relations - simply
that in early modern Europe they did play this role. (of course we should think about the development of Asian capitalism as a comparison case or set of cases)



Islam and Capitalism

Bryan Turner Islam, Capitalism and the Weber Theses

Weber’s treatment of Islam is not nearly as famous as his discussion of Calvinism and capitalism

The usual contrast is between Asian mysticism and Puritan asceticism

Turner argues that Weber was wrong to try to explain the absence of rational capitalism in Islam

instead, the real issue is Islam’s transition from a monetary economy >> agricultural-military regime
Muhammad, after all was a merchant

Weber’s theses on Islam, according to Turner

PE (Protestant Ethic) theses:
1. idealistic theory of values

Calvinist beliefs >> modern capitalism (causal)

2. necessary condition for the emergence of capitalism
no, but Protestant asceticism is necessary for rational capitalism
3. “elective affinity” of ideas and socio-economic contexts
4. Continuity between Marx and Weber: beliefs are shaped by socio-economic contexts

Turner’s analysis of Weber’s analysis of Islam

Meccan Islam was monotheistic and rejected magic
but Islam did not develop into a “salvation religion” because of 1) warrior groups who carried Islam
2) Sufi mystical brotherhoods

individual salvation was reinterpreted through jihad (holy war), suitable for warrior groups on quests for land: Islam becomes a ‘national Arabic warrior religion’

Islamic asceticism became the rigor of the military caste

Sufism provided a salvation path, but it was mystical and other-worldly

together militarism and mysticism produced the “characteristics of a feudal spirit...unquestioned acceptance of slavery, serfdom, and polygamy...simplicity of religious requirements...and ethical requirements”

Islam could thus not lift the Middle East out of feudalism and stagnation, it could not produce capitalism

Islam and Shari’a did not produce a systematic formal law tradition (only fatwa, which are ad hoc judgments)

not because of the content of the early religion, but because of the socio-economic context in which it emerged

Turner argues, however, that Islam was originally urban, commercial, and literate: Mecca was a trading center

However, Islam provided a culture capable of uniting desert tribesmen (Bedouins) who often attacked caravan routes, with urban merchants. Islam was thus a “triumph of town over desert”


Finally, Weber blames Sultanism for the stagnation of the Middle East, because of the socio-economic conditions it produced

this is because of the “legal insecurity of the taxpaying population” in the presence of foreign troops

the arbitrariness of the tax powers of foreign troops (Selcuks and Mamelukes) could paralyze commerce

towns were merely army camps for patrimonial troops, rather than centers of commerce

patrimonial interference discouraged investments in trade and craft industry, and discouraged a bourgeois lifestyle and bourgeois-commercial utilitarianism, seeing this as sordid greediness

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